This is a rather long offering. If you have to stop reading at any point, please make sure you at least read the first two articles together.

 

VATICAN II FROM BELOW – CONSTITUTIONAL CATHOLICISM

A TEN-STEP PROGRAM TO A DEMOCRATIC PARISH – AND CHURCH

 

One of two provocative speeches presented by Leonard Swidler, Professor at Temple University, and a member of the ACC Planning Committee. These were presented in June 2010 at the European conference of International Movement We Are Church. IMWAC has endorsed ACC and plans to send a visiting delegation to the Council in 2011-on the road to a similar worldwide lay-called council planned for the Vatican in 2015.

 

Surely the idea of a Constitution for the Catholic Church is a wildly bizarre secular notion that is totally inappropriate for such a sacred institution! Right? Well, the bishops, including the bishop of Rome, the pope, did not think so. The very term "constitution" appears in church documents, most recently in the titles of several of the documents of Vatican II, e.g., the "Constitution" on the Church, the "Constitution" on Revelation, etc. The term "constitution" is used because the matter treated is "constitutive" of Christianity. The term "Bill of Rights" of course does not appear in ecclesiastical documents because it is a specifically English/American phrase, but its exact equivalent does appear from the pens of both Pope Paul VI and John Paul II,and long before that from the American Catholic bishops.

 

I. THE POPE'S CALL FOR A CONSTITUTION

During Vatican Council II, on November 20, 1965, Pope Paul VI spoke of a "common and fundamental code containing the constitutive law (Jus Constitutivum) of the church" which was to underlie both the Eastern and Western (Latin) codes of canon law. It was clearly what Americans refer to as a "constitution." Thus was born the modern idea of a Catholic Church "Constitution," a Lex Ecclesiae Fundamentalis-more about the Lex below. In his address to the Roman ecclesiastical high court, the Rota, just one month after the promulgation of the new Code of Canon Law (1983), Pope John Paul II called specific attention to the "Bill of Rights," "Carta Fondamentale," in the Code:

The Church has always affirmed and protected the rights of the faithful. In the new code, indeed, she has promulgated them as a "Carta Fondamentale" (confer canons 208-223). She thus offers opportune judicial guarantees for protecting and safe-guarding adequately the desired reciprocity between the rights and duties inscribed in the dignity of the person of the "faithful Christian."

Another of the democratizing moves Vatican Council II made was to inspire the total revision of the 1917 Code of Canon Law in the spirit of democracy and constitutionalism. Already on January 25, 1959, Pope John XXIII announced simultaneously the calling of the Second Vatican Council and the revision of the 1917 Code of Canon Law. Even before Vatican II was completed, work was begun on the writing of this Catholic "Constitution of Fundamental Rights," the Lex Ecclesiae Fundamentalis. Father James Coriden, a co-editor of the 1985 magisterial 1150-page folio-size The Code of Canon Law. A Text and Commentary (commissioned by the Canon Law Society of America) and the Dean of the Catholic Theological Union of Washington, D.C., wrote that "The origins of the Code's bill of rights [the new 1983 Code of Canon Law eventually absorbed the fundamental "rights" articles of the Lex Ecclesiae Fundamentalis, rejected by Pope John Paul II] were not in a Constitutional Congress, but its history and development clearly reveal its truly constitutional character."

As noted, it was on November 20, 1965, that Pope Paul VI said to the Coetus Consultorum Specialis (Commission for the Revision of the Code of Canon Law) that the opportunity to provide a "constitution" for the Church should be seized while the 1917 code of canon law was being overhauled in the light of Vatican II.

 

Two things should be especially noted about the Lex Ecclesiae Fundamentalis: 1) It clearly was to serve as a "constitution" in the sense that it was to provide the fundamental juridical framework within which all other Church law was to be understood and applied. Like the American Constitution, and all other civil constitutions, if any subsequent law passed were found to be contrary to the Lex Fundamentalis, the subsequent law would be void. 2) The Lex Fundamentalis was to serve as a fundamental list of rights of the members of the Church, like the American "Bill of Rights."

Concerning the first point, the explanation (Relatio) by Msgr. Onclin that accompanied the 1971 draft of the Lex stated clearly that "since a fundamental law is required, on which all other laws in the Church will depend.... Laws promulgated by the supreme authority of the Church are to be understood according to the prescriptions of the Lex Ecclesiae Fundamentalis...laws promulgated by inferior ecclesiastical authority contrary to the Lex Ecclesiae Fundamentalis lack all power."

 

Concerning the second point, Father Coriden wrote referring to the Lex Fundamentalis as key portions of it were imbedded in the 1983 Code of Canon Law: "The bill of rights is part of the bedrock upon which is based the rest of our canonical system....The Coetus's communication to the Episcopal synod of 1967 described the enumeration of rights of the faithful as fulfilling one of the chief purposes of the ‘fundamental code.'" Already in 1967 the Coetus told the Synod of Bishops in its ten guiding principles the following:

 

The principal and essential object of canon law is to define and safeguard the rights and obligations of each person toward others and toward society.... A very important problem is proposed to be solved in the future Code, namely how the rights of persons can be defined and safeguarded.... The use of power in the Church must not be arbitrary, because that is prohibited by the natural law, by divine positive law, and by ecclesiastical law. The rights of each one of Christ's faithful must be acknowledged and protected.

 

A further aspect of the Lex Fundamentalis is worth noting here. From the inception of the Coetus in 1965 until the press leak in 1971, its work was all done sub secreto. Why it should have been so is not clear, except that that was the way things had always been done. However, after the leak Msgr. Onclin held a press conference in which he "recalled that the draft text was only a working paper which will probably be modified in conformity with the wishes of the bishops. These, in turn, may consult priests and laymen, and the result will therefore be a truly Church-wide consultation."

 

Here we could see the "democratic" thrust of Vatican II moving forward in a deliberate, sure-footed manner, neither rushing nor hesitating. For sixteen years the Vatican Commission (Coetus) worked devising and re-phrasing the Constitution (Lex), and as Msgr. Onclin said, its natural momentum would have made it available to ever wider circles for their input. The fundamental reason for this increasing openness was made clear by the Vatican itself. As Peter Hebblethwaite mentioned in his biography of Pope Paul VI, the Vatican instruction, Communio et progressio on the implementation of the Vatican II decree on the mass media was issued less than two months before the Lex leak in Il Regno. It made a clear argument in favor of open government in the Catholic Church:

 

The spiritual riches which are an essential attribute of the Church demand that the news she gives out of her intentions as well as her works be distinguished by integrity, truth and openness. When ecclesiastical authorities are unwilling to give information or are unable to do so, then rumor is unloosed and rumor is not a bearer of truth but carries dangerous half-truths. Secrecy should therefore be restricted to matters involving the good name of individuals or that touch on the rights of people whether singly or collectively.

 

II. REPRESSION, AND YET....

Then, unfortunately, not long after John Paul II became pope in the fall of 1978,
The celebrated Lex Ecclesiae Fundamentalis resembled a canonical space rocket. It was launched under papal auspices, gained rapid momentum, rose high in the canonistic heavens, came under sharp attack, underwent repairs and mid-course corrections, and came crashing to earth to an unexplained demise, never to be heard from again.... The whole Lex project was put to death, without explanation, in 1981, after it had been approved by a specially convened international commission earlier in the year.

 

The long slide into restrictions, repressions, and silencing had begun, however, even earlier:

1. Already in the spring of 1979 the French theologian Jacques Pohier was silenced for his book When I Speak of God;

2. In July the book on human sexuality by a team of four American theologians commis-sioned by the Catholic Theological Society of America was condemned by the Vatican;

3. In September the Jesuit General Pedro Arrupe was forced to send a letter to all Jesuits saying that they may no longer publicly dissent from any papal position;

4. All fall severe accusations of heresy against Edward Schillebeeckx were recurrently issued in drum-beat fashion;

5. December 13-15, Schillebeeckx was "interrogated" by the Holy Office in Rome;

6. That same month writings of Brazilian liberation theologian Leonardo Boff were "condemned" (he was later silenced);

7. On December 18, the Holy Office issued a Declaration on Hans Küng saying he "can no longer be considered a Catholic theologian."

Thus, in hindsight, the suppression of the Catholic Constitution (Lex Fundamentalis Ecclesiae) was no great surprise. Yet, at the same time Pope John Paul II was pushing Human Rights in the civil sphere, and especially in international politics. In a way, this was a continuation of what Pope Paul VI had earlier called "New Thinking." (This was long before Mikhail Gorbachev in the late 1980s borrowed the phrase "New Thinking" to popularize his new approach to Communism.) This "New Thinking" was characteristic of Vatican II, and was likewise supposed to characterize the subsequent revision of church law, the 1917 Code of Canon Law.

 

Pope John Paul II described this resultant shift in thinking, this "New Thinking" of Vatican II, thus when promulgating the new Code of Canon Law [1983] for the Latin Church:

1. The Church seen as the People of God,

2. Hierarchical authority understood as service,

3. The Church viewed as a communion,

4. The participation by all members in the three-fold munera [functions] of Christ [teaching, governing, making holy], and

5. The common rights and obligations of all Catholics related to this, and

6. The Church's commitment to ecumenism.

Father James Provost added further: "In addition to providing the basis for understanding the new canon law, these elements set an agenda for the church, an agenda which might be considered to form the basis for a kind of ‘democratizing' of the church."

 

III. AMERICAN CATHOLIC PRECEDENTS OF DEMOCRACY AND A CONSTITUTION

Suffice it to note that the American Catholic Church has precedents in the fostering of democracy by its first Bishop St. John Carroll, and even more by Bishop St. John England with his Diocesan Constitution and Annual Convention. There is yet another interesting precedent for an important element of Democracy, namely, Human Rights, the knowledge of which was lost for many decades. I am speaking of a Catholic twentieth-century "Universal Declaration of Human Rights" even before that of the United Nations in 1948. In fact, it fed into it.

 

In January, 1947, a committee made up of U.S. Catholic laity and bishops appointed by the "National Catholic Welfare Conference" (the national agency of the American Catholic Bishops) issued nothing less than a "Declaration of Human Rights," almost two years before the United Nations proclaimed its "Universal Declaration of Human Rights" in December, 1948. In fact, the American Catholic Declaration was handed over to the "Committee on Human Rights of the United Nations," the chair of which was Eleanor Roosevelt. A comparison of the "American Catholic Declaration" (which with 50 articles is more detailed than the UN Declaration with 30 articles) and that of the United Nations reveals amazing similarities, some passages of the latter being even verbatim that of the former.

 

The Catholic document speaks of human "personal dignity....being endowed with certain natural, inalienable rights....The unity of the human race under God is not broken by geographical dis- tance or by diversity of civilization, culture and economy..." The U.N. document recognizes "the inherent dignity and of the equal and inalienable rights of all members of the human family.... Everyone is entitled to all the rights and freedoms set forth in this Declaration, without distinc- tion of any kind, such as race, colour, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin, property, birth or other status. Furthermore, no distinction shall be made on the basis of the political, jurisdictional or international status of the country or territory to which a person belongs."

 

Here is a chapter of American Catholic history that was almost forgotten. After its initial impact, no one seemed to remember or record it, until 1990. And yet this is a chapter of history that makes one proud of being a Catholic - and an American Catholic in particular. The American Catholic Church here took the lead in promoting human rights on a world-wide basis and probably had a significant influence in the drafting of the United Nations' 1948 "Universal Declaration of Human Rights."

 

Let me tell you how this lost chapter of an American Catholic contribution to Human Rights and to Democracy came to light. Dr. Gertraud Putz, an Austrian historian, noted how accidental and labyrinthine her discovery of the 1947 American document was. She wrote that she had in her research come across an article in a 1947 Austrian periodical, Die Furche, with a German translation of what looked like an American Catholic Declaration of Human Rights, but with no reference to the original.

 

She then wrote:

The difficult search for the English text shall not remain hidden from the reader. Through a personal contact with Professor Johannes Schwartländer of the University of Tübingen, doubtless the most knowledgeable scholar of the history of human rights, I was directed to an American human rights expert, Professor Leonard Swidler in Philadelphia. The accident that he-who at first also knew nothing of the existence of this Declaration-is married to a historian with whom he discussed the matter made it possible that she then took up the search. In a letter dated April 18, 1990, she responded to my letter and explained the diffi-culty in finding the Declaration, for it had no listed author under which it could be indexed. However, the fact that Professor Arlene Swidler precisely at that time was giving a course on "American Catholic History" at Villanova University led her to search further, and she ended by writing: "However, I am quite sure I have found the important material by paging through the significant periodicals."

 

IV. WHITHER NOW TOWARD A CONSTITUTION?

So, here we are in 2010 in Europe, and in America, the land which practically invented modern Democracy, with the idea of governing an institution not by the decisions of some elite leaders, but whose leaders are elected by the members of the institution, who are guided by Law, as expressed in a written Constitution, which contains a list of the rights of the members spelled out in a Bill of Rights, which are enforced by a separate judiciary, under a due process of law. We know the blessings of freedom and responsibility, of the rule of law, for our ancestors suffered and died so they, and we, could be free and responsible. We also know that we all must struggle every day to win freedom again, and again, and again, endlessly, for if we do not, it will suffocate and die.

If we are the beneficiaries of this freedom and responsibility with its Constitutions, Bills of Rights, Freedom and Responsibility, and Law in the civil sphere, why do we not see the need for their blessings in the most important dimension of our lives, in our spirituality, in our religion? Oh, we all know that we have been told that the Catholic Church is not a democracy, and this false sensibility has seeped deep into our Catholic bones, but we have now begun to learn that that claim is false. We now know that the Catholic Church has a long tradition with large elements of democracy as part of its warp and woof.

 

Let me quote Anthony Padovano once more:

The fact that Americans cannot bring democracy or these miracles to the Catholic Church at large is the single greatest failure of American Catholicism.... Democracy is not only the key to all ecclesial reform but the essential ingredient in global social justice.

 

No less a figure than Amartya Sen, the 1998 Nobel laureate in economics, insists on two observations of paramount importance. In Democracy as Freedom (1989), he writes: "No famine has ever taken place in the history of the world in a functioning democracy." Sen argues that the openness of a democracy, its accountability and its freedom of the press make it impossible for governments to tolerate famines.Famines are the legacy of monarchical systems. A Church that is proud it is not a democracy is a model for totalitarianism systems. Sen argued that no multi-partied democracy has ever waged war on another democracy.

 

If Sen is right and if democracy restricts famine and war, then a democratic world will be one in which social justice and peace may be possible on a scale greater than we have heretofore imagined. This is not a time for the Church to boast that it will never be a democracy.

We also know that when we sleep the sleep, not of the innocent, but of the passive, of the non-responsible, that bad things do happen to real people. We here in Philadelphia, as in many other cities, are still stinging under the blows of the 2005 Grand Jury Report on Clergy Sexual Misconduct.

 

Terrible things have happened to our brothers and sisters, and we did nothing to protect them. We can say that we knew nothing about it. Fair enough. But we can no longer say that! We here at Old St. Mary's Church have an extraordinary opportunity to take up our responsibilities that not many parishes in this diocese are given. We are extraordinarily blessed with a pastor who has the vision, self-confidence, and courage to call for us to come forth and take up our responsibilities, to be mature Catholics. With this blessing comes a corresponding responsibility, that it, from whom much is given, much is expected.

 

There are endless things that this parish can do that will be of immense value to the members and to many individuals and groups outside it. We have a beautiful church building. In fact, we have two! Each has a fantastic historic tradition that ought to be mined, taught, and harnessed. Our location in the center of the city, a stone's throw from the Freedom shrines, puts us in a unique situation to do creative things. With a carefully thought through and written Constitution and live participation in those areas that are vital to a parish, like a finance committee, a liturgy committee, a music committee, an outreach committee, lawyers committee, education committee .... St. Mary's should become a model which will both draw to itself those Catholics starving for spiritual vitality, and will inspire others to imitate our structured dynamism.

 

V. A TEN-STEP PROGRAM TO A DEMOCRATIC PARISH - AND CHURCH

In the wake of the American Catholic clergy sex scandal and two billion dollars already paid out (and no end in sight!), and several dioceses in bankruptcy, many Catholics are asking themselves: Whatever happened to the Vatican II promise of a collegial Church (in plain English: democratic Church)? Many national Pastoral Councils of the 1970s (e.g., Germany, Austria, France, Netherlands....) moved in that direction-including the astonishing American "Call To Action" in 1976, participated in by hundreds of thousands of American Catholics-only to be laid waste during the Romanizing pontificate of John Paul II, and now his former lieutenant, Joseph Ratzinger, Benedict XVI. The response bubbling up is: Leadership from above cannot be looked for; Vatican II reform and renewal must come from below, from the laity, religious, and priests.

 

Here is a modest, but I believe realistic, Ten-Step Program "from below."

 

STEP 1. PREPARE THE MINDS OF THE LAITY TO TAKE RESPONSIBILITY

We must first recognize that this is a very uneven struggle against a structure that places almost all the power in one set of hands, namely, the bishop's. Hence, to begin this democratic church movement "from below" we need to have a pastor and some parish laity of a Vatican II mentality. Then "Father Goodpastor" and the lay leaders need to devise a program to raise the consciousness of the parish to realize that all the parish members must share the responsibility of making their parish a mature Catholic community. This might in various parishes take anywhere from six days to six years, and could include many sermons, lecture series, gradual development of parish structures, and many other creative methods. The goal is to get, if not all, at least the majority of the parish to follow the lead of the pope and all the bishops of the world in Vatican II (1962-65) which stated:

 

All [not just the bishops or priests, but "all," that is, the laity] are led to... wherever necessary, undertake with vigor the task of renewal and reform.... Catholics'... primary duty is to make a careful and honest appraisal of whatever needs to be renewed and done in the Catholic household itself.... Christ summons the Church, as it goes its pilgrim way, to that continual reformation of which it always has need (Ecclesia semper reformanda, Vatican II, Decree on Ecumenism).

We must devise effective processes that will raise the consciousness of the lay parishioners to recognize and embrace their right and responsibility to share in the leadership and work of the parish. How much more and in what forms that work might need to be continued the parishioners, lay and pastor, will have to determine.

 

STEP 2. DISCUSS AND DELIBERATE AMONG ALL THE PARISH

THE MAKING OF THE CONSTITUTION

 

Although there obviously must be a smaller cadre of parishioners (meaning pastor and laity) who take the lead in organizing this movement, the whole of the parish must be seriously engaged in coming together to discuss, deliberate, and ultimately decide what exactly a parish Constitution is and what their own Constitution should contain. (Guidance on how to go about this task can be found at http://www.arcc-catholic-rights.net/resources.htm.) This must be the decision of fundamentally the whole parish community, for all will have to live by that decision. The effectiveness, and the length of time needed, clearly will be heavily influenced by the quality of Step

1. Precisely how this is to be carried out will be up to the laity who come forward, along with the pastor. Probably one or several parish meetings to which all are invited would be a minimum. Additional possibilities might include mailing a letter and information to all parishioners. Whatever forms this parish deliberation will take, it needs on the one hand to include as full a participation as possible, and on the other hand realistically, only a minority will actively participate. Given the centuries of ingrained passivity in the Catholic laity, we must do the best we can, but in the beginning it will be a challenge.

 

STEP 3. THE NAME "CONSTITUTION"

 

Some may shy away from the term "Constitution," thinking perhaps that it is too "profane," too "secular." It need only be remembered that the highest authority in the structure of the Catholic Church-the Pope and all the bishops gathered together in an Ecumenical Council-has used precisely that term for its most important documents, e.g., Vatican Council II's "Constitution on the Sacred Liturgy," "Dogmatic Consti-tution on the Church," "Dogmatic Constitution on Divine Revelation," "Pastoral Constitution on the Church in the Modern World," and that Pope Paul VI called for and set up a Commission to develop a Constitution for the Church (Lex Fundamentalis Ecclesiae). Moreover, this Constitution is the document that will constitute, that is, will give form to, the parish community for as long as it exists. By-laws (or the like) is much too transitory a term to name this literally "fundamental" reality which will shape the parish's existence and actions.

 

STEP 4. WHAT SHOULD AND SHOULD NOT BE IN A CONSTITUTION

 

It is important to bear in mind that a Constitution is to outline the vital, the formative, elements of the governance of a community, in this case, the Parish. It needs to avoid details beyond the essential, and concentrate on the critical structures of governance. Only a brief prologue should refer to the underlying spirit of the Constitution, being careful not to be too specific theologically, for every theology, no matter how brilliant, sensitive, and Gospel-centered, is only one way to articulate what it means to be a follower of Jesus, and therefore necessarily does not include other articulations. It must include a clear statement of the rights and responsibilities of all parties of the Parish, including such principles as transparency, accountability, representativeness, due process of law, decision-making procedures, terms of office, separation and balance of powers.

 

Above all, it is absolutely essential that the Constitution be written. There is nothing like having to choose the words to write down-especially words that you are going to have to live by-to help clarify thinking. Further, when future disagreements arise, as they inevitably will, it is vital to have written documents to refer to. This will especially be the case when a new pastor arrives! A written Constitution is absolutely vital! I cannot emphasize this enough. Many Catholics have had wonderful parishes in the past so long as "Father Goodpastor" was the pastor, only to see it dismantled when he was replaced by "Monsignor O'Hooligan." A written Constitution may not be a sufficient cause of a continued Vatican II democratic parish, but it is a necessary cause of one (more about that below).

STEP 5. LITURGICAL INSTALLATION

 

Once the long process of consciousness-shaping, dialogue, deliberation, and decision has been lived through and a Constitution is arrived at, a further step is very important. One of the strengths of Catholicism is the tradition of giving everything important-and even things not so especially important-a liturgy. A Constitution that a parish is going to live by is in fact a very important sacred reality. It is a sacramental, and hence deserves a solemn liturgical ceremony.

 

The Constitution ought to be printed and framed in a fittingly solemn manner. A liturgy with an appropriate set of prayers, music, and gestures needs to be designed by the parish liturgy committee for the formal installation of the Constitution. It is important that the Pastor, the Parish Council, and other officers of the Parish, as well as as much of the entire Parish as possible be present at the Installation Liturgy. For the initial installation of the Constitution, it would be well to invite the bishop to be present as an observer (his presence will help to forestall his later sending an autocratic priest as Pastor). The Pastor, Parish Council, and other officers, as well as the rest of the Parish members present, ought to make a solemn public pledge to follow the Constitution.

An appropriate day should be chosen for the annual liturgical re-commitment of all to follow the Constitution-perhaps the feast day of the parish's name. Such a solemn liturgical installation, and its annual re-confirmation, will keep the Constitution present in all the parishioners' consciousness, and go a long way toward ensuring its continuing viability.

 

STEP 6. LIVE BY CONSTITUTION

 

It goes without saying that the Parish must then live by its Constitution. Much will be learned in the very living with the Constitution, including the possibility that appropriate amendments will be found to be important, perhaps even essential. The discipline of so living will also gradually re-shape and mature the thinking and action of all members of the parish involved, clergy and laity, including the future generations. Regarding the future, if a parish has lived and grown with a Constitution for five or ten years or more, it will very difficult for a future "Monsignor O'Hooligan" to come in (or even to want to!) and dismantle it (again, more about that below).

 

STEP 7. SET UP NON-PROFIT OWNERSHIP

 

I realize that the Austrian and German religion-state systems labor are burdened with a relatively fused relationship between the two, which is different that in America and Canada. I also recognize that unfortunately the civil laws regulating tax benefits for charitable donations are not as favorable in Europe as they are in the U.S. Nevertheless, I want to urge European Catholics to seriously investigate the idea of parishes setting up a Non-Profit Organization-a 501(c)(3) organization in the American system-especially for any new donations/expenditures. The Non-Profit Parish Organization (NPO) could be set up to sponsor social-justice work, youth work, construct buildings, schools, buy a parish hall, send out relief workers, missionaries, students.... All the assets of whatever form purchased through this Non-Profit Organization would belong to the Parish and be disposed according to the founding document, based on the Parish Constitution.

 

If parishioners have a secure say in the disposal of their parish's various goods, they, of course, will be much more inclined to donate to this Parish Non-Profit-Organization. This is not just a so-called "gut-feeling" or hunch on my part, but is in fact documented in recent research by highly respected Catholic scholars reported in an extensive article in the Los Angeles Times.

 

Modest tithing is especially noticeable among Roman Catholics, who give to their parishes about half as much as Protestants. In 2003, Protestants gave 2.6% of their income to their churches and Catholics gave 1.2%, according to studies conducted by Empty Tomb Inc., a Christian research and service group based in Champaign, Ill. Why?

 

The avoidance of tithing reflects the sense of ownership parishioners feel toward their churches-or more precisely, the lack of it. "The heritage in Catholic thought that still hangs over people is that they are just customers and the clergy really owns the church," said Dean R. Hoge, a professor of sociology at Washington, D.C.'s Catholic University of America, whose specialty is churches, and is a co-author of a seminal work on church giving: "It's almost like we just go there; we don't own the store," said Hoge, whose research team surveyed 625 congregations in five mainline denominations across the nation. He said many Catholics think "the priest will give us what we need, and we'll tell him what we want."

 

Thus, setting up a Parish NPO would not mean less funding at the disposal of the parish, but more. The money needed for normal running expenses would continue to come from the Church Tax and go directly Catholic Church and thence to the parish in the normal fashion. However, for all new activity, whether, as suggested a moment ago, to sponsor social-justice work, youth work, construct buildings, schools, buy a parish hall, send out relief workers, missionaries, provide student scholarships, or whatever, the money would be given to and distributed through the NPO. These will be activities and monies which otherwise would not exist!

 

To re-emphasize, the setting up of the NPO would not take money away from the parish, but greatly increase it precisely because of what Professor Dean Hoge's research made clear: Because the parishioners will have a direct voice in what happens to the money they donate, they will in fact donate more than they would have otherwise. Further, the laity will also consequently become much more active in the parish. As important, or perhaps even more so, as the financial value of this Non-Profit Parish Organization grows, it will automatically support the responsible functioning of the parish Constitution on into the future.

 

Again, I realize that not only are the civil tax systems different in Europe, and hence will have to be worked with carefully, but also that there is an even weaker tradition in Europe of making charitable donations to the Church. This psychological barrier will also have to be overcome. No one has said that the goal of a democratic Catholic Church would be easily attained!

 

STEP 8. CONSTITUTIONAL PARISH NETWORKING

 

A Constitutional Parish, once attained, will doubtless be a flourishing parish for it will automatically draw on all the talents of all members-just how flourishing will depend on the combination of the talents of the parishioners (including preeminently those of the pastor and lay leaders), the care with which the Constitution has been planned for and structured, and the wisdom with which the Parish has grown in living it.

 

Consequently the Constitutional Parish will become a magnet for other parishes. (One must also, sadly, reckon with the possibility, even likelihood, of a negative envy being generated in some clergy.) However, the Constitutional Parish must, for its own survival, also become an "Evangelizing" Constitutional Parish in the literal sense, that is, it needs to spread the "good news" of creating and living by a Parish Constitution so that other parishes will go down the same path.

If there develop two, three, four, or more Constitutional Parishes in a diocese, it is critical that they learn from, and support, each other. They will need to form a Network of Constitutional Parishes-including the "Evangelizing" work of increasing their number. As their numbers grow, the likelihood of any of them receiving a "Monsignor O'Hooligan" as pastor will proportionately shrink. The Network should be prepared to go to the Bishop and the Diocesan Personnel Committee and lobby for a "Father Goodpastor" successor in their fellow Constitutional Parishes. The Constitutional Parishes must counter the ancient Roman tactic: Divide et impera! Divide and conquer! by taking to heart the saying of my compatriot from Philadelphia, Benjamin Franklin: Either we hang together, or we will hang separately!

 

STEP 9. NEGOTIATE WITH BISHOP/PERSONNEL COMMITTEE AHEAD OF TIME

 

However, without waiting for a Network of Constitutional Parishes to develop, the Parish Council (which includes the pastor) should in good time arrange to meet with the Bishop and Diocesan Personnel Committee to negotiate with them ahead of time a serious role for themselves in the choice of the successor of their pastor. They must insist on the retention of their governing Constitution. Clearly they will want to do all this only after they have lived by their Constitution for some time and built a solid reputation in the diocese. Clearly also, their hand will be greatly strengthened if they do not go into the meeting alone, but with supporting members of other parishes. That is another reason why it is so important for a Constitutional Parish to be an Evangelizing Constitutional Parish and work hard to create a Network of Constitutional Parishes. Here also is an additional reason for developing a vibrant and productive NPO. The substantial character of the Non-Profit Parish Organization will likewise obviously have a significant influence here-money talks!

 

STEP 10. PUBLICIZE

 

We know from civil society that freedom of the press is critical to make democracy work. We Catholics also learned that lesson at Vatican Council II when freedom of the press was one of the main engines pulling the Catholic Church out of its Medieval and Counter-Reformation mentality into that of Modernity. Without it, Vatican II would have been as much of a disaster as Lateran Council V (1512-1517) was. Its failure in the fateful year of 1517 contributed significantly to Martin Luther's launching the Protestant Reformation in that very same year. As I suggested above with the term "Evangelizing"-that is, spreading the Gospel, the "Good News" of a Constitutional Parish-simply as an insurance policy, the Constitutional Parish needs to publicize itself as broadly and creatively as possible (including internationally on the website of the Association for the Rights of Catholics in the Church! (http://www.arcc-catholic-rights.net/ ).

 

The Constitutional Parish must not only do good things, it must also be seen doing good things because of their democratic, constitutional structure. They must become known for doing good things as a Constitutional Parish. This is not pride, but self-defense! As the Constitutional Parish becomes increasingly known for doing good things, it will encourage other parishes to likewise become Constitutional Parishes, thereby gaining the support of numbers and the Network, but also by burnishing its reputation, the Constitutional Parish will make it increasingly difficult to dismantle their Constitution, especially at the critical juncture of the change of pastors.

 

CONCLUSION

 

As in society in general, a governance structure will be what the governed allow. If most Catholics in an area believe that a shared responsibility governance structure, a Democratic Church, is not possible, it will not happen, regardless of what Ecumenical Councils or Popes have said supporting such. The first, and perhaps most challenging, task is to convince large numbers of the Catholic community that a democratic constitution for the parish (indeed, also for the diocese and universal Church) is in keeping with the Gospel and Catholic tradition. Then, after Step One the rest of the nine steps are obvious, though by no means easy.

 

The critical issue is whether or not a Constitutional Parish can survive beyond its "founding pastor." As I noted at the beginning, canon law and the reality on the ground stack the chances against it. That is why Steps Five through Ten are vital. They are not individual guarantees against the eventual destruction of a Constitutional Parish, but as each of them is carried out, they will proportionately improve the chances of survival of the Constitutional Parish.

 

Beyond a Constitution for the Parish, there is also the need for a Diocesan Constitution, and eventually a Universal Catholic Constitution, as Pope Paul VI called and worked for. This journey to a Diocesan, and especially a Universal, Constitution of the Catholic Church will doubtless be long, arduous, and probably also serpentine. But it is a journey that a growing number of Catholics increasingly feel must be undertaken. Those of us so convinced now have not only the privilege, but also the responsibility, to push on in the journey, even though we personally may not arrive at the final destination. What is obtainable in the near future, however, at least for some fortunate ones of us living in parishes with a "Father Goodpastor" are first, a Parish Constitution and secondly, a Parish Non-Profit Organization.

 

Now that you know, you are obligated!

 

***

 

Related to the formula for overthrowing dictatorships in the last post, the following article asks the question: Will the Vatican be the Last Wall to Fall?

 

One watched with fascination at the eruption of the democratic impulse in Egypt, an extraordinary effloresence after 32 years of a brutal dictatorship.At this point one does not know how the whole scenario will play out.The very articulate Egyptians we have seen on Al Jazeera, the BBC and the CBC exhibit a sophisticated analysis of the very clever dance and machinations of Mubarak himself and the dark prince Omar Suleiman, his right hand man described by Robert Fisk as "a ruthless man who will not hesitate to use the same state security police as Mubarak." Egyptians know too well the depredations of this awful regime---the secret police, the torture and corruption.

 When we look at the Roman Catholic Church we of course see nothing like the terrible physical brutality but triste dictu we do see another totalitarian regime set in place by Pope John Paul ll, Karol Wojtyla and his Mozart playing, gentlemanly accomplice the present pope, Josef Ratizinger.

Catholicism has not seen a comparative period since the turn of the twentieth century when an intellectual lockdown known as the Modernist period derailed the Church for forty years. Here we saw the heresy hunting of reformist theologians, the shocking creation of a secret curial organization the Solidatium Pianum, a veritable spy agency under the notorious Undersecretary of State, Umberto Benigni. All liberal and progressive teachers were targeted and removed. A Modernist Oath was then imposed on the ordained and bishops and not rescinded until 1967. And it must be remembered that one of the modernist heresies condemned was DEMOCRACY.

 Before his death in 1984, the theological giant of twentieth century Karl Rahner described the pontificate of Pope John Paul ll, then in its infancy, as an "ice age" in Catholicism. Since then under his enforcer Josef Ratzinger the ice has only thickened. This reactionary period from 1979-present has seen the reformist direction of the Second Vatican Council (1962-65) betrayed. Centralization and bureaucratization advanced, regional and national episcopacies were denigrated. In a purge which would do the Inquisition proud it is estimated that over one hundred theologians have been silenced. John XXlll and Pope Paul Vl banished none. Docile bishops have been appointed on the basis of their excessive loyalty to Rome and their own promises never to raise the issue of celibacy and women priests. As Fr. Richard McBrien,the distinguished Church historian quipped: "They answer to a constituency of one---Rome." The considered theological ideas of the best-educated Catholics in history have been totally ignored. One man's stubborn convictions, those of John Paul ll, have been declared orthodox. This "creeping infallibilism" has stifled Catholic thought. Finally, ecumenical relations have dried up in the wake of the present pope's embarrassing insistence in Dominus Iejus that Roman Catholicism is the one true faith.

One could go on and list the sad-making aspects of the Wojtyla-Ratzinger restoration but it is obvious that it has failed. In the more educated parts of the globe, these twin pontificates have deeply alienated Catholics. The Pew Research Centre has pointed out the massive exodus of thirty million Catholics in the United States. The neuralgic sticking points have been the failure to come to terms with the equality of women and the Church's perceived shortcomings on the area of homosexuality and sexual ethics. Needless to say, the pedophilia crisis, exacerbated by the cover-ups of the excessively loyal JP ll bishops have played their parts.

Catholic reform groups have persistently called for changes in governance and accountability and refuse to be patronized by the clerical minority. Theologians who have been browbeaten by Rome are finding their voice. As reported on February 4 144 theologians (now up to 254)from Germany, Austria and Switzerland have made similar demands to Rome. They deeply resent the lack of collegiality, the imposition of bishops and the collective refusal to plumb the "sensus fidelium" (how the faithful are thinking). Dialogue, the hallmark of Vatcan ll has been replaced by monologue,

In Ireland Boston's Cardinal Sean O'Malley told an association of priests that the Irish church had a decade, at most, to avoid falling over the edge and "becoming like other European countries" where religion is marginal to society. But O'Malley and others have to realize that the criticisms and demands for reform are rational. Open the church up to greater lay involvement. Do not squander the gifts of the baptized.

As we watch democracy on the march in Egypt, Catholics here struggle to regain their own neglected and repressed voices. A medieval monarchical model, heavily clerical no longer suits our times. According to the 2001 Canadian Census there were 12,974,402 Catholics in Canada. 2008-2009 Diocesan figures had a total of 7,546 diocesan and religious order priests in Canada. The rest constitute the laity. The Roman Catholic Church is a lay organization with a roman/medieval governance.

 The universal practice of the church, its basic democratic thrust should have evolved even further than Vatican ll's insistence that collectively all the baptized are the People of God and anyone in a leadership position should be chosen by all. This was well expressed by Pope Leo the Great in the fifth century: "Let the one who is going to rule over all be elected by all." In 2011 we still have the same old tired undemocratic imposition of bishops on the People of God. Remember priests no longer take the oath against Modernism and Democracy at their ordination. Perhaps it is time to "read the signs of the times", look at the recent events in Egypt and begin the democratization of the Roman Catholic Church.

The Tablet in an interesting editorial (Jan 29,2011) opined that perhaps the "structure of sin" lays within the Church's internal architecture. Now there's an idea worth pursuing.

The repressed desire for democracy whether in the Arab or the Catholic world speaks to a dignity too long trampled and abused. The spark of divinity is within all of us and as Meister Eckhart said God is a great underground river that no one can dam up and no one can stop."
 

***

All economic systems have religious implications.

FInancial Journalism and The Girl with the Dragoon Tattoo

By Carl Bloice - BlackCommentator.com Editorial Board

In a good novel, writes blogger Randy Mayeux, "we can find quotes that speak to the issues of the age." He's referring to the much acclaimed "The Girl with the Dragoon Tattoo" and its relevance to the state of financial journalism in real life today. "Read it, and think about the financial reporting (and, really, most `journalism') in this country over the last two-three years," he says.

http://www.blackcommentator.com/414/414_lm_financial_journalism.php

***

It was recently reported that the number of priests worldwide had risen. Read the following article for an interesting take on the statistics.

Article on the priest situation from Catholic News India.
Great attention has been paid over the last week to the Vatican’s announcement that the gross number of priests in the world has risen in the last decade. On our own site, the story rated the highest number of visitors on the day of the announcement and across the world, the story gained extensive exposure.


Without being as cynical about the announcement as the 19th Century British Prime Minister Benjamin Disraeli might suggest that we be (”There are lies, damn lies and statistics”), the figures merit more considered assessment if they are to reveal what the real condition of the Church’s clergy is.


The abiding question about any claim that a number is growing is “growing relative to what?” If anyone who has a business were told their profit had grown or the owner of a piece of property were told it had increased in value, the real question for both is: in relation to what?
Has the value of the property increased ahead of or behind the rate of return on shares or money? Has the profit on the business provided its owner with an appropriate rate of return on the investment that created the business in the first place?


Simply saying that the price of property has risen or profits in a business have increased without these qualifiers is not really very helpful.


So, the number of priests has risen in the last decade. But relative to what? The number of Catholics has risen in the same time by 128 million according to the Vatican’s own figures. Even if the number of priests has risen by 50,000 (as the growth reported for the previous year suggests) in the last decade, that still represents half the rate of growth of the Catholic population the priests are ordained to serve.


Relative to the number of priests needed to serve the growing Catholic population, the number of priests has actually declined. The Church was better off, in relative terms, a decade ago.
But the questions about gross numbers need to be even more searching. Where are the large populations of Catholics and how are they faring in ordinations? What is the median or even average ages of the clergy and how do they compare with a decade ago?


Are the Vatican statistics including those priests who have left active ministry but are not laicized? Many leaving priesthood today don’t bother with applying for laicization because it takes so long and the Vatican is very reluctant to grant it. So priests leave, take other jobs, may get married but still appear in the books, misleadingly, as priests.


With a few exceptions - India, Thailand and Korea in Asia and Nigeria and the Congo in Africa - the number of priests per Catholic is going south.


The spread of the clergy worldwide is very uneven. In an aside to an Australian bishop on his Ad Limina visit to Rome, Pope John Paul II lamented that Italy alone had 35,000 priests and asked what impact they made when other countries with large populations of Catholics had so few. Italy has about nine percent of the world’s clergy for just on three percent of the world’s baptized Catholics. The Philippines has just on 2.2 percent of the world’s priests for 4.5 percent of baptized Catholics worldwide.
The Western world, as is widely known, is witnessing not just the decline in gross numbers of priests but their rapid aging as well. In Australia, the average age of priests is nearly 70 where it may be little more than half that in some developing countries.


In other words, unless figures are set in their real and relative contexts, they aren’t very helpful.
But these statistics prompt even more basic questions. What are we talking about when we use the word priest? What is at the core of a priest’s ministry? Compare that to what priests actually do. What are the things priests do that in many places around the world that are done by unacclaimed and unordained lay people? What are the terms of access to priestly ministry and why are they restricted to celibate males?


Aren’t there plenty of ministries in the Church - teaching, financial and staff administration, service of the sick and poor, introductions to the Christian faith as catechists, etc - that should have a way of being recognized, celebrated and commissioned as part of the service of the Church to the faith community and beyond?


More than 20 years ago, a priest now in his late 80s asked me a question: “Michael, do you know what the two issues were that Paul VI reserved to himself and would not allow their discussion on the floor of Vatican II?”


I replied that I didn’t know, that I was nine years of age when the Council began and 12 when it closed.


“Contraception and clerical celibacy,” he replied. “And what are the two things that bedeviled the Church since? Female anatomy and the nature of ministry.”


Celibacy was slated for consideration at the 1971 Synod of Bishops but got bumped off the agenda in favour of social justice and produced the groundbreaking document Justice in the World. It has been the fountainhead of extensive action and reflection in the Church ever since.
But maybe it’s time to put ministry back on the agenda.


Father Michael Kelly SJ is executive director of UCA News. He has worked in radio and TV production since 1982 and as a journalist in Australia and Asia for various publications, religious and secular.
 

***

And, finally, from the Huffington Post, the following letter to Glen Beck from Jim Wallis. It was originally posted in September 2010.

Dear Glenn,

I think we got off on the wrong foot. I listened to your speech last Saturday and heard a lot of things that we agree on. In fact, I have used some of the same language of our need to turn to God, and the values of "faith, hope, and charity" (love). What I would like to find out, and others would too, is what you mean by that language. Until last weekend, you have consistently described yourself primarily as an entertainer, and the public has known you as a talk show host. But last Saturday, you sounded more like an evangelist or revivalist on the steps of the Lincoln Memorial. I know we disagree significantly on many issues of public policy, but you said that people can disagree on politics and still agree on basic values and try to come together. Maybe we should test that. Instead of my being up on your blackboard and a regular target of your show's rhetoric, why don't we finally have that civil dialogue I invited you to months ago? Your speech on the Mall suggested and even promised a change of heart on your part, so why don't we talk? Here are a few things I think we could talk about.

First, I've been asked by people in the media if it matters that you are a Mormon. I unequivocally answer, no, it does not. We don't want more anti-Mormon bigotry any more than we want the anti-Muslim bigotry now rising up across the country. By the way, you should speak to that (against it). On Saturday you talked about the fact that our nation has some scars in our past. I think one of those scars is the historical persecution and bigotry that many Mormons have faced, as well as Catholics, Jews, and Muslims. But, as you said, instead of dwelling on the bad things of the past, we need to learn from them and look to the future. The best way to do that is to make sure we all stand for religious liberty and tolerance, and are careful not to denigrate anybody else's faith tradition, experience, or language. If you are ever in need of an evangelical Christian to speak out against anti-Mormon sentiment directed at you or others, I am here to help.

In an interview the day after your rally you said that you would like to "amend" your statement in which you accused President Obama of being a racist and said he had a deep hatred in his heart for white people. I commend you for that. But a simple and straightforward apology would have been better. All of us say things we shouldn't sometimes, but you have consistently mischaracterized the president's faith. You also said in that interview that you would like to have a conversation about it. I'd like to do that.

I also think it would be a good thing to stop attacking people and churches you label as "social justice Christians," not just because I'm tired of being on your blackboard, but because I think you genuinely don't understand the concept and how central it is to biblical faith, and how essential to the whole gospel. I am sure there are those who have misused the term, just as there are those who will co-opt any good label that exists. If "social justice" were truly code for Communism or Marxism or Nazism, as you have suggested, I would be right beside you in condemning it.

In his opening sermon at Nazareth, Jesus gave his own mission statement when he declared, "The Spirit of the Lord is upon me, because he has anointed me to bring good news to the poor, he has sent me to proclaim release to the captives and recovery of sight to the blind, to let the oppressed go free, to proclaim the year of the Lord's favor." Those were his very words, Glenn, including the stuff about releasing captives and freeing the oppressed -- language you have been pretty critical of. In fact, the end of Jesus' famous sermon in Luke 4, about proclaiming "the year of the Lord's favor," was a direct reference, according to most biblical scholars, to the "year of Jubilee" in the Hebrew scriptures, which called for a periodic freeing of slaves, cancelling of debts, and returning land to original owners. It was written into the Torah as legal code and not just left up to individual charity. It was about "social justice" and even "redistribution" -- two of the least popular words on your show. You regularly criticize other people's "versions" of Christianity. How about Jesus' version of Christianity?

I thought you might be changing your own mind a bit when I heard you lifting up the legacy of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. and associating yourself with him on the 47th anniversary of his eloquent "I Have a Dream" speech, given from the very place you stood on Saturday. I was encouraged by that because Dr. King was the archetypal social justice Christian and the primary teacher for many of us on the social implications of biblical faith. His personal faith led him to fight for racial and economic justice -- social justice. I hope you read many of his words before you spoke on the anniversary of his great speech, because we can't claim the mantle of King without also embracing his message. You seemed to affirm King's assertion that racism was not simply a private moral issue but one that required response through federal action and legislation. I'd like to talk with you about the rest of King's dream. If King was right about racism, could he have also been right about poverty and war? I didn't hear much about King's words on either of those issues in your speech on Saturday.

And let's talk about salvation. You have emphasized that you believe strongly in personal salvation, as opposed to "collective salvation." As an evangelical Christian, I also believe deeply in personal salvation -- it is the foundation of my faith. But we need to ask ourselves, what are we saved for? Is salvation just about getting a pass into heaven? Is it just for us? Or is it also for the world, and being a part of God's work and purposes in the world today? When I read a passage like Matthew 25 or Amos 5, I believe it's clear that God won't hear my prayers if I don't care for the least of these, or I refuse justice to those in need. You spoke about charity at your rally on Saturday. Throughout the Old Testament it is clear that God requires compassion and charity from individuals, but God also requires justice from society. We agree that personal charity is important, but the God of the Bible is also a God of justice. His prophets regularly challenged the priorities, policies, and behavior of kings, rulers, employers, judges, and any leaders (including religious ones) who practiced injustice and robbed the poor of their dignity and rights. The leaders of his day were so upset with Jesus' challenge to their status quo that they killed him. Would they have been so threatened if Jesus was just asking people to be better persons and volunteer more often? Jesus announced the kingdom of God, which would change everything -- personally, spiritually, socially, economically, and even politically -- not with a new government or program, but with a new way of living that included both love and justice.

Before, I thought you were just another cable news talk show host. But now, you are using the language of a spiritual and even a religious leader. You acted as though you now want people to look to you for that kind of spiritual leadership. But to invoke the name of God and the vocation of a spiritual leader has consequences. It brings with it a whole new level of responsibility and accountability. It will require a more civil and even humble tone than you are used to. It will likely mean saying some different things and, certainly, saying many things differently than you have in the past. Pundits and talk show hosts say things that divide, create conflict, and get good ratings. They appeal more to fear than to hope. But spiritual leaders try to avoid vitriol and bombastic language, and to rather seek to find common ground and bring people together to find real solutions to real problems. So let's talk about that too.

You said your rally day was the start of the nation turning to God. Many people in this country have already done that and, in fact, try to do it every day. But maybe it was the start of Glenn Beck becoming a different kind of public voice than you have been before. I hope so. And one good way to demonstrate that is to agree to an honest and civil conversation with somebody you have often attacked. How about it, Glenn?



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